Drug Control

2 billion and necessitate more than 50 programs and federal agencies. Drug offenders account for 21 portion of inmates in state prison, and nearly 60 percent of inmates in federal penitentiaries. Critics of the war on drugs suggest that these costs, two financial and social, are simply too high for the kingdom to bear much longer (Cannon 2595).

Drug use and scream declined during the 1940s and 1950s, but surged during the 1960s. During this age, new drugs were developed that were based non only on traditional plants (marijuana and cocain), but which were highly touch on and created in labs. Thus coca yielded not only powderize cocaine, which had a high street value and was not complaisant to many wouldbe consumers, but also crack cocaine. This was a much less expensive alternative that was available to those without material financial resources. At the akin time, some drugs were developed (such as methamphetemine) which are developed entirely in laboratories. The Nixon administration focus on cutting off foreign supplies, particularly supplies of Turkish heroin. Although this effort largely succeeded in its stated goals, the result was that the go forth and demand shifted, so that as heroin from the Middle tocopherol ceased to be a signifi peckt problem, Latin American cocaine became more popular ("The Annals" 21).

Ronald Reagan's administration aggressively move a strategy of stopping drugs at the border, a maneuver that was perceived as

As the Peruvian incident demonstrated, the move toward multilateral action can involve convoluted relationships among various nations. In Peru, the CIA spotted and determine (as much as possible) suspicious aircraft, but was present in an advisory role only. "Fly-along" officers from the host nation would be accountable for authorizing any action that was taken. This is the situation that unfolded in Peru, but the misidentification, and the mishap by the Peruvian military to confirm their target as a drug trafficker, points out the flaws in the system. At the same time, having American military personnel and equipment patrolling foreign countries has ramifications both for American foreign policy as well as for politicians in the foreign nation.

In 2000, Colombia, Bolivia and Peru received 30 new helicopters from the unify States valued at $10 million each and 33 Vietnam-era helicopters for $1.5 million each. The helicopters are armed and armor-plated and protect craw dusting planes as the planes spread herbicide over coca and poppy plants in the dense terrain. The timing of the order was questioned by some observers, who say that the American manufacturers (Sikorsky and Bell) needed the business at just the time the Clinton Administration developed this plan. At the same time, these helicopters are considered high-priced to lock in as well as difficult to operate and maintain, and there was some question whether funds intended to crusade drug traffickers would be used to train and maintain these helicopters sort of (Thompson 55).

In mid-2001, the level of American participation in the interdiction effort in Latin America became clear when members of the Peruvian military shot down a Cessna suspected of existence involved in drug trafficking. Instead, the private plane had been carrying American missionaries, including a seven-month old infant. After the attack, it was learned that a CIA squirt had been involved, and indeed had given information about the
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